Archives for the month of: January, 2009

记得是《拥抱逝水年华》里看到的,讲一个关于普鲁斯特的段子,好像是普鲁斯特写的某某夫人,主持某沙龙谈兴甚浓,后来有人问:您说了很多,还没有说到爱呢。某夫人眉毛一扬,笑道:关于爱,说有什么用?做才有用。或者是“爱不是用来说的,而是用来做的”这句经常看到的话,具体记不太清楚了,总之大意如此。不过事实上,说爱不但有用,而且基本上是通往做爱的必要前提。又记得看过的某个喜剧电视剧里,某男甲教育另外一个遇到MM就想马上勾引人家上床并屡遭失败的某男乙说:要知道,在你认识一个人和你跟她睡觉之间是有一个gap的,而我们把这个gap叫做conversation. 总之,说得好不好,直接影响到做不做得成,这一点,在我重读《挪威的森林》时有了更深的感触。

比如渡边君这样的人,跟其他女人都是先做了再说,独跟小林绿却是经过了漫长的谈情说爱打情骂俏在伞下拥抱以及睡在一张床上听雨声还要说:“私もやらないと思うわ”(我也觉得不能做哇)。为什么呢,窃以为,是因为村上君要在这个过程里向我们展示谈情说爱的范本,说这个事情,可不是我爱你三个字那么简单。比如,范本如下:

“喜欢我喜欢到什么程度?”绿子问。
“整个世界森林里的老虎全部溶化成黄油。”

“有多爱我?”
“就像春天的小熊。”
“哎?”
“你正在春天开满鲜花的草地上享受阳光。这时对面走来一只毛茸茸的可爱的小熊,对你说,‘小姐,可以和我一起玩打滚么?’,然后你就和小熊抱在一起在长满了四叶草的山坡上打滚玩了一整天。这样很美吧。”
“很美。”
“就是这么爱你。”

「どれくらい私のこと好き?」と緑が訊いた。
「世界中のジャングルの虎がみんな溶けて、バターになってしまうくらい好きだ」

「どれくらい好き?」
「春の熊くらい好きだよ」
「春の熊?」とミサトが顔を上げた。「それ何よ、春の熊って?」
「春の野原を君が一人で歩いているとね、向こうからビロードみたいな毛なみの
目のくりっとした可愛い子熊がやってくるんだ。そして君にこう言うんだよ。
『今日は、お嬢さん、僕と一緒に転がりっこしませんか』って言うんだ。
そして君と子熊で抱き合ってクローバーの茂った丘の斜面をころころ転がって
一日中遊ぶんだ。そういうのって素敵だろ?」
「すごく素敵」
「それくらい君のことが好きだ」

绿子在电话的另一头默默不语,久久地保持沉默,如同全世界所有的细雨落在全世界所有的草坪上。

緑は長いあいだ電話の向こうで黙っていた。
まるで世界中の細かい雨が世界中の芝生に降っているような沈黙がつづいた。

这最后一句出现在结尾里真是令人印象深刻。对于中学时代看的这本小说,到重读之前我的印象里只有开头和结尾的画面了,开头是渡边和直子在草坪上散步,结尾是和绿打电话,沉默如同全世界的细雨落在全世界的草坪上。今天的黄昏时分,便是落了这样的细雨,让我想起曾经很喜欢的一句词“对潇潇暮雨洒江天”,我不知道为什么那时如此喜欢这句,可能是因为开头多了一个“对”字,这样句法上的不对称感很让人着迷。现在雨又渐渐大了,敲在我正在打字的电脑背后的窗上。全世界所有的雨,全世界所有的窗户,全世界所有的日落,全世界所有的星光,全世界所有的旅程,全世界所有的轻声细语,Shall we talk?

 我以前就说,我若是某天开始关心某件事,就会在接下来的几天内总是遇到与该事情有关的事情。比如说吧,我昨天刚在ellensuan的blog看到关于坂东玉三郎的介绍,以及一个歌舞伎演员与昆曲演员合演游园惊梦的视频,于是我就去搜了其他的视频来看,于是今天就遇到一个歌舞伎和昆曲迷。下午参加一个很失败的考试,都怪我很久很久没有考试过了,失意之余就在图书馆看youtube,消磨时间到晚上去饮酒会。

 事实证明我还是很拙于日常对话,所以整个吃饭的部分都是吃得昏昏欲睡,直到听说对面的大叔是卢梭研究者,且是高桥哲哉(此人在中国给人的印象似乎是靖国问题研究者,其实在学院的专业是法国哲学)的学生,且以前的毕业论文是关于市民宗教,总算有话题可以说了。说啊说,竟发现此大叔还是中国戏曲爱好者,尤其喜好昆曲,虽然他不懂中文,虽然他的法文可能好过我的中文,但是凭着伊对中国古典文学的热情在高校时代还背下过整首的长恨歌(高中生一般都要修汉文课),泪奔,我都没有背下全文过。说到昆曲呢,他就写了“坂东玉三郎”的名字问我是否听过此人,我说“啊,昨天刚听到的……不过今天下午在网上看了他的很多演出视频=。= ” 大叔说坂东桑真是很好很厉害的演员啊,他的贵妃醉酒非常之迷人,不过当然了,还是梅兰芳更厉害。我说既然如此,你一定要去看一个电影阿…… 正在寻思如何描述时,大叔已经会意:Leslie Cheung?我说是啊是啊,且,最近该导演又拍了一个,名字就叫梅兰芳哦。大叔很惊讶,说不知道哦,继而按照一般惯例说谢谢你告诉我!每次我被这样说都有点奇怪的感觉,有什么好谢的呢……

 继而大叔问旁边的人一种花的汉字该怎么写,那人也不知道,拿出字典来查,原来是牡丹,猜也猜得到,牡丹亭要出现了。坂东桑大概是第一个出演昆曲的歌舞伎演员,牡丹亭是这位专业18世纪法国哲学的博士大叔的最爱。于是我便讲了一下冯小青的故事,以表示牡丹亭同样深受我国人民喜爱,曾经。但是现在的中国小朋友都不大喜欢中国戏了,我虽然大学的时候看过这出,不过只对男主角长得很帅印象深刻(并曾参与了迄今为止最疯狂的追星活动,追到人住处直到拍了照片罢休。刚才发现,该男子在坂东玉三郎版的牡丹亭里面也演了柳梦梅)……我们只把它当古代汉语的文学作品放在中学的语文课本里,因为唱词真的很美,大叔不懂中文真遗憾。我写下最有名的一句“良辰美景奈何天,便赏心乐事谁家院”,大叔说记得这个场景,但不知唱词何意,无奈我解释不出,我连用现代汉语都解释不出这句话的意思>_<。但是写下“游园惊梦”这个词的时候,宫泽理惠阿姨就出现了,虽然宫泽也和坂东一起演过戏,不过重点在另一位女主角上面,大叔说Joey Wong是他最喜欢的中国女演员(一个小原因是名字里都有“贤”字,不过日本人叫贤x的太多啦),于是倩女幽魂也是最爱之一,这时我发现前面提到的所有演员之间都存在某种联系。

 我问,你是对戏剧有普遍的热爱呢还是独独针对中国戏剧。他说,西洋的戏剧虽然也很好看,但是二者之间没有可比性,表达的内容和方式都完全不一样。西洋的戏剧,当然也有历史剧,其主题实质上都是非历史性的,你在看戏的时候就感到舞台上发生的一切是脱离历史的永恒冲突;但中国的戏剧,包括牡丹亭这样的看似只有儿女私情的戏,舞台帷幕拉开你就觉得能看到漫长的历史的影子。

 啰啰嗦嗦写了这么多无重点的对话,本来是打算贴到豆瓣日记的,可是那儿没法贴视频,只好放这里了。我回来就在youtube上面搜了所有版本的皂罗袍来看,百看不厌,真是春光旖旎地展现了吾国的漫长历史亚。

 开头的游园2,“不到园林怎知春色如许”开始在大概3:45处。下面是一个附有英文介绍的坂东玉三郎演的杨贵妃,不过,歌舞伎风的表演我都觉得有点可怕,因为人都没表情的……。

 

据称王菲阿姨最近涂了蓝色指甲。

很高兴我们的审美开始趋同了。

 去年的今天在火车上度过,我经京九线回家过年。虽然当时南中国交通可怖,华北平原倒是晴空万里,偶尔看到薄雪覆盖的田野,只略有荒凉之意。当日在火车上丢了一顶帽子,虽然当时收到的短信讥讽道“您丢东西,那多新鲜啊”,可是其实到今天我已经有一年没有丢过帽子了(这种话听说不能说)。甚至连丢在成田机场的帽子都找回来了,这大大鼓励了我买帽子的热情。

 今天还想起2005年,那一年在游戏中告别一些人,在现实中认识一些人,其中与火车有关的,是二姐(消歧义:二姐其实是位大叔)。

 四年前,旧历的2004年年末,也就是西历2005年的年初,我经京沪线-陇海线回家,夜车,看第一本德·波顿的书《哲学的慰藉》。天晓得几年后坐新干线还是看他的书,德·波顿君真是火车旅行必备。大概凌晨五六点时到家,我下车时把那本书忘在了火车上,但是我幻想能把它找回,因为我曾搭讪坐在我对面的一位校友,唯一的线索是我记得她是山西人。后来我在学校bbs某个山西地域帖里发了一个信息,并不抱太大希望。后来竟然真的收到回信,是当时还不算大叔的二姐称,他认识的一位小姑娘拿的似乎正是这本书。后来,我竟然把它找回来了。不过再后来,此书在我寝室的小型火灾中被烧毁,它的命运似乎部分地阐释了它的内容。

 到了夏天的时候,回学校前一天在qq上闲聊,得知二姐将和我乘同一次的陇海线-京沪线的列车去上海,我事先幻想了一下此人是否足够强壮能够起到搬运工的作用,不过事实证明我也没有太多的东西要搬。总之,那是我第一次见到二姐,在11号还是12号的软卧车厢的过道,伊迈着后来被称为frjj的步伐摇摇摆摆地从我面前走过去,几分钟后又走回来,说:“你是不是那个?”那个什么我忘了……

 可见我们与火车很有缘。所以我想如果有下次见面,我应该乘传说中的京沪高铁去。而如果二姐能够在研究CANSJA写各种啰嗦长文练字抄书读马克思编诗歌约会泡妞看日本成人电影之余有空去传说中的火车站接我的话,那真是再幸运不过了。

OBAMA: My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers … our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq t
o its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world … that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive…that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it).”

America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

附,”The independent“标明的the buzzwords

The buzzwords

12 Nation

11 New

10 America

7 World

5 Spirit

3 Hope

3 Force

1 Responsibility

1 Change

最后我要补充一下,3 freedom, 2 liberty, 1 lead, 1 patriotism

以上单词加上一些虚词可以组成一句话…… A new nation of America, with the spirit of (bulabulabula), is ready to lead (the world) once more.

我到了读初中的时候,才开始考虑诸如时间、生死之类现在看来有点无聊的事情,我想现在的孩子一定都想得很早。我们中学其实很大,但初中和高中分开,初中在一个小院子里。我印象深刻的是,某个无聊的一天,我一遍一遍地从那个院子的一头走到另外一头,再回来,如此重复。我当时是觉得有点可怕的,我在这一头,回到这一头,再回到这一头,周围的景色毫无变化,事物毫无变化,我也没有变化,但是时间过去了,一秒也不会停下。当然,我还是有变化的,我对我的小伙伴说:这太可怕了,从出生起,我们就一刻也不停下的滑向死亡。你都不知道这个斜坡会有多长,只是看不到终点的一直滑下去。现在想起初中的学校,我脑海中的图像就是那么个小孩,很矮的个子很短的头发(还记得学校体检的数据是一米三),分不出是小男孩还是小女孩的小孩,在那个空旷的院子里一遍一遍地走,一遍一遍地走,好像时间经过地很不可思议,可是春秋冬夏三年就过去了。

突然想起这些是因为昨天看NHK放关于四川地震灾后的系列记录片(四川大地震:被災地は今),那一集叫做“红白中心学校”。我看了一会儿就觉得拍这种片子真是很没人性的工作,就是揭伤疤,像里面的一位李老师说的那样,本来不去碰它,都快好了,但是你去揭它比原来还要痛。记录片就是这么没人性,哪怕它最后加一个光明的尾巴,但是讲道理的人永远没法感受听的人的感受。但看下去是因为里面拍了很多学生的日记,似乎是语文课作业,还有老师的批语。事实上我觉得老师的批语看起来很幼稚,有点读者文风,和很多的感叹号,但是当然了,十分真诚。小孩的日记大多是关于,希望和迷茫,生死之类的,很多的排比句,像散文诗。你可以说因为他们确实经历了生死所以变得深沉了,但我还是觉得,小孩比起成年人,更喜欢想这种想不明白的问题。

小孩和老人,才有时间和兴趣去想它们,其他人更重要的是生活。想和做,没有谁比谁更重要,只是你不可能同时两者兼顾。德里达《马克思的幽灵》的开篇说:“最终,我们当然希望学会生活。”但是,生活能够学会吗?我们只能希望希望,但生活是只有活过去才明白的,想没有用,学没有用,想得太多反而会失去生活。可是你又能以什么准据去批评一个幻想者呢?

我那么喜欢《革命之路》里的凯特·温斯莱特,她说:“So stupid. To put all your hopes in a promise that was never made.” 我在看一本叫从动员到革命的书,无论从何种意义来说,这就是革命的全部意义所在,也是革命的全部失败所在。我不同意那种说法,说这是个关于“美国噩梦”或者“50年代的黑暗一面”的故事,所有终极意义上的悲剧都是不问时间地域的。革命与幻灭,思考和生活,别处和当下,我和你,你和我,一切的矛盾都没有真正的出口。她可以不死,生活可以继续,但所有的事情都仍然在那里。如果你不把希望寄托在一个从未许下的诺言上,你还可以把它放在哪里呢?

从一个博客上看来的,《生活》刚刚创刊时的文中句子:

《生活》:你现在坐在山坡上放羊时在想什么?
日轨:“放羊的时候,担心草老了,羊瘦了/担心岩边上的小羊摔倒了/用话儿哄,用枝条儿抽/别让它们跑去邻村的山沟/天冷的时候,担心草枯了,叶黄了/担心家里的羊吃不饱了/吃草的羊累,放羊的人苦/ 好多事一辈子也说不清楚

好多事一辈子也说不清楚。当然也说不清楚为什么想贴下面这首老歌,真是老歌啊。

A kiss is still a kiss in Casablanca, But a kiss is not a kiss without your sigh.